The Class Struggle in Argentina and its Relevance to the World Proletariat
Written by Saul Wenger (Red Spectre Writer)
5/17/24
5/17/24
Preface
Capitalism assumes many political and ideological manifestations throughout its lifespan based on its ebbs and flows; the bourgeois revolutionaries of France and the liberal democrats in the United States and Western Europe during capitalism’s nascent period, all the way to the fascist and neoliberal demagogues seen during its moribund, imperialist conclusion.
What remains is that the state of the bourgeoisie requires an ideology to assist in upholding their power and influence over the exploited masses. This ideology, of course, changes based on the relative degree of consciousness and militancy of the working class and the condition of capitalism.
In the country of Argentina, we have seen a dramatic shift in the ideology of its bourgeois state in recent months. The decades-long era of neoliberalism nominally ending in the face of a new, rising tide of libertarianism, preaching a new, “radical,” gospel of personal freedom, prosperity, and unfettered property rights, one proselytized by the nation’s new head of state, Javier Milei.
The rise of this extreme-right force is concurrent with the rise to power of other reactionary movements in the Western world, all largely within the span of the 2020s. The crises inherent to capitalism, the global economic slowdown has provided the optimal breeding group for these supposedly “radical” bourgeois movements. Argentina is at the forefront of this revival of extremist reaction, and its historic background which gave rise to these events must be understood as capitalism grows increasingly erratic in other countries.
What remains is that the state of the bourgeoisie requires an ideology to assist in upholding their power and influence over the exploited masses. This ideology, of course, changes based on the relative degree of consciousness and militancy of the working class and the condition of capitalism.
In the country of Argentina, we have seen a dramatic shift in the ideology of its bourgeois state in recent months. The decades-long era of neoliberalism nominally ending in the face of a new, rising tide of libertarianism, preaching a new, “radical,” gospel of personal freedom, prosperity, and unfettered property rights, one proselytized by the nation’s new head of state, Javier Milei.
The rise of this extreme-right force is concurrent with the rise to power of other reactionary movements in the Western world, all largely within the span of the 2020s. The crises inherent to capitalism, the global economic slowdown has provided the optimal breeding group for these supposedly “radical” bourgeois movements. Argentina is at the forefront of this revival of extremist reaction, and its historic background which gave rise to these events must be understood as capitalism grows increasingly erratic in other countries.
The events in Argentina prior to Milei’s rise to power
The politics of Argentina have been dominated for decades by a movement known as Perónism. Its namesake, Juan Domingo Perón, was a high-ranking military official who exploited a military coup d’état in 1943 to gain political power and support among the lower strata of Argentine society, eventually seizing a despotic hold over the country by the 1950s. Perón himself was an open admirer of fascist regimes such as that in Italy, yet he never fully embraced that movement. Instead he implemented various, often contradictory, socioeconomic polices during his presidency inspired by center-left social democratic ideas. This was due to the geopolitical circumstances of the time. Perón sought to repress communist and workers’ movements to comply with the demands of the domestic bourgeoisie and his imperialist benefactors in the United States who were in the process of establishing other fascistic military regimes across Latin America to impede the growth of socialism, yet still in an era where the memory of Hitlerite Germany and fascist Italy had not been extinguished.
Yet these tendencies towards social democracy did not detract from the fascist character of the Perónist regime, for as Stalin stated:
Yet these tendencies towards social democracy did not detract from the fascist character of the Perónist regime, for as Stalin stated:
“Fascism is not only a military-technical category. Fascism is the bourgeoisie’s fighting organisation that relies on the active support of Social-Democracy. SocialDemocracy is objectively the moderate wing of fascism. There is no ground for assuming that the fighting organisation of the bourgeoisie can achieve decisive successes in battles, or in governing the country, without the active support of SocialDemocracy.”
— J.V.Stalin, Concerning the International Situation, 1924
After the overthrow and eventual death of Perón in 1974, the Perónist movement was partitioned into multiple, contradictory factions, some more aligned with social democracy whereas others were more definitely right- wing.
The Perónist government that had formed following the military dictatorship in 1989 was headed by Carlos Menem, who went on to implement numerous neoliberal policies, including austerity measures, countless concessions to foreign capitalists, assaults on organized labor, etc. These policies were highly regressive in their effects for Argentine society, and the Perónist movement generally began to decline in its popularity among the workers. Thus, as an effective requirement for political survival for the capitalist state, the next era of Perónist governance was that of “Kircherism” — the social democratic policies of Néstor Kircher and his successors.
Although these actions assisted in preserving Perónism until the 2020s, they made workers dependent on the existence of the bourgeois government’s social programs for continued subsistence. Thus, when the Coronavirus pandemic and resulting global economic crisis began in the early 2020s, the Kircherist government suddenly lost much of its support base as its social programs became unsustainable — allowing various previously subterranean figures and demagogues to arise as the demands of failing Argentine capitalism began to change, most obviously the right-wing libertarians under Javier Milei and his party.
The Perónist government that had formed following the military dictatorship in 1989 was headed by Carlos Menem, who went on to implement numerous neoliberal policies, including austerity measures, countless concessions to foreign capitalists, assaults on organized labor, etc. These policies were highly regressive in their effects for Argentine society, and the Perónist movement generally began to decline in its popularity among the workers. Thus, as an effective requirement for political survival for the capitalist state, the next era of Perónist governance was that of “Kircherism” — the social democratic policies of Néstor Kircher and his successors.
Although these actions assisted in preserving Perónism until the 2020s, they made workers dependent on the existence of the bourgeois government’s social programs for continued subsistence. Thus, when the Coronavirus pandemic and resulting global economic crisis began in the early 2020s, the Kircherist government suddenly lost much of its support base as its social programs became unsustainable — allowing various previously subterranean figures and demagogues to arise as the demands of failing Argentine capitalism began to change, most obviously the right-wing libertarians under Javier Milei and his party.
Argentina in the first months after becoming the first “libertarian” state in history
“[Reactionary ‘socialism’] consists of adherents of a feudal and patriarchal society which has already been destroyed, and is still daily being destroyed, by big industry and world trade and their creation, bourgeois society. This category concludes, from the evils of existing society, that feudal and patriarchal society must be restored because it was free of such evils. [...]”
"As soon as the proletariat becomes revolutionary and communist, these reactionary socialists show their true colors by immediately making common cause with the bourgeoisie against the proletarians.” [emphasis mine: S.W.]
— Frederick Engles, Principles of Communism, 1847
A notion that spread among the corporate media in the English-speaking world regarded the “radical” Milei’s rise to the post of head of state as an entirely unpredictable outcome, placing the blame on the Argentine workers themselves. However, this view is yet another example of the imperialist bourgeoisie in the United States and Western Europe attacking the proletariat of another country for attempting to find a solution to the issues they largely created. Yet, like Hitler, Pinochet, and Mussolini; the rise of Milei’s extremist movement has a distinct relationship with the collapse of capitalism in Argentina and globally.
The anarcho-capitalist Javier Milei’s electoral “upset” was not solely the result of the demands of the bourgeoisie, but was a further consequence of the increasing desperation of the petite-bourgeoisie, a stratum which is among the most unstable under capitalism — constantly at risk of being “reduced” to the level of the proletarian due to competition from the haute-bourgeoisie yet still maintaining ambitions to advance to the higher sub-strata of the capitalist class, while still consequently having sympathies towards both classes:
The anarcho-capitalist Javier Milei’s electoral “upset” was not solely the result of the demands of the bourgeoisie, but was a further consequence of the increasing desperation of the petite-bourgeoisie, a stratum which is among the most unstable under capitalism — constantly at risk of being “reduced” to the level of the proletarian due to competition from the haute-bourgeoisie yet still maintaining ambitions to advance to the higher sub-strata of the capitalist class, while still consequently having sympathies towards both classes:
“The lower middle class, the small manufacturer, the shopkeeper, the artisan, the peasant, all these fight against the bourgeoisie, to save from extinction their existence as fractions of the middle class. They are therefore not revolutionary, but conservative.”
“Nay more, they are reactionary, for they try to roll back the wheel of history. If by chance, they are revolutionary, they are only so in view of their impending transfer into the proletariat; they thus defend not their present, but their future interests, they desert their own standpoint to place themselves at that of the proletariat.”
— Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Manifesto of the Communist Party, 1848
During such a militant capitalist crisis, the status of the petite-bourgeoisie was increasingly moribund, thus motivating them to support a pseudo-radical movement which promised a “new,” “better” capitalism which catered to the small owners and artisans from the days of yore.
There were also elements of the proletariat who found themselves providing some degree of support for Milei, with some merely voting for him during the country’s 2023 general election despite disagreeing with his rhetoric. They desired an alternative; anything to detach them from the corrupt government and failing economy they had under the Perónists.
Yet the Argentine people soon realized the extent of the demagogy and deceit on the part of the newly-empowered libertarians.
The far-right government of Milei inherited a country with a dying economy and corrupt government, facing an extreme inflation rate of nearly 200% and a poverty rate exceeding 40% of the population. Yet instead of rectifying the hardships faced by the general population, the Milei government has instead taken every possible step to enlarge the socioeconomic crisis and implement their extremist, anti-proletarian political program.
Among the first actions performed by Javier Milei as head of state was to employ special emergency powers to sign a decree so totalistic in its attacks on the working class and organized labor movement that it has been termed a “mega-decree.” Using this “mega-decree”, the libertarian government has introduced widespread policy changes; severely reducing unemployment benefits, parental leave, assaulting fundamental democratic freedoms such as workers’ right to strike and organize unions.
Meanwhile, the conditions in Argentina continued to deteriorate, as the Milei government did virtually nothing to halt the rapidly-increasing cost of living and hyper-inflation, with them instead introducing absurd and discontented laws such as allowing employers to remunerate their workers in the American dollar, Bitcoin, milk, and beef. The regime has also taken highly discriminatory stances against marginalized groups, particularly the LGBTQ+ community.
There were also elements of the proletariat who found themselves providing some degree of support for Milei, with some merely voting for him during the country’s 2023 general election despite disagreeing with his rhetoric. They desired an alternative; anything to detach them from the corrupt government and failing economy they had under the Perónists.
Yet the Argentine people soon realized the extent of the demagogy and deceit on the part of the newly-empowered libertarians.
The far-right government of Milei inherited a country with a dying economy and corrupt government, facing an extreme inflation rate of nearly 200% and a poverty rate exceeding 40% of the population. Yet instead of rectifying the hardships faced by the general population, the Milei government has instead taken every possible step to enlarge the socioeconomic crisis and implement their extremist, anti-proletarian political program.
Among the first actions performed by Javier Milei as head of state was to employ special emergency powers to sign a decree so totalistic in its attacks on the working class and organized labor movement that it has been termed a “mega-decree.” Using this “mega-decree”, the libertarian government has introduced widespread policy changes; severely reducing unemployment benefits, parental leave, assaulting fundamental democratic freedoms such as workers’ right to strike and organize unions.
Meanwhile, the conditions in Argentina continued to deteriorate, as the Milei government did virtually nothing to halt the rapidly-increasing cost of living and hyper-inflation, with them instead introducing absurd and discontented laws such as allowing employers to remunerate their workers in the American dollar, Bitcoin, milk, and beef. The regime has also taken highly discriminatory stances against marginalized groups, particularly the LGBTQ+ community.
The workers’ resistance to the reactionary regime
The working class of Argentina has hastily begun to realize that Milei and his regime are not allies of the people as his demagogic propaganda would suggest, but the most committed enemies of the people and their class interests. Thus, large-scale protests were held in the immediate weeks of Milei’s presidency in response to the extremist, anti-worker policies introduced.
Yet, Milei, despite claiming to be a “libertarian” who would “break the shackles of the oppressive state,” decided to quell these demonstrations by employing brutal police force and terror and introducing draconian laws which made it far less cumbersome for police to arrest demonstrators. This is not to say that the repressive system in Argentina is fundamentally distinct from the bourgeois democracies in other countries:
Yet, Milei, despite claiming to be a “libertarian” who would “break the shackles of the oppressive state,” decided to quell these demonstrations by employing brutal police force and terror and introducing draconian laws which made it far less cumbersome for police to arrest demonstrators. This is not to say that the repressive system in Argentina is fundamentally distinct from the bourgeois democracies in other countries:
“In capitalist society, providing it develops under the most favourable conditions, we have a more or less complete democracy in the democratic republic. But this democracy is always hemmed in by the narrow limits set by capitalist exploitation, and consequently always remains, in effect, a democracy for the minority, only for the propertied classes, only for the rich.”
— Lenin, The State and Revolution, 1917
The Argentine workers, however, were not discouraged by the reactionary regime’s repression and austerity, responding by banging pots and pans on protected balconies, articulating chants such as “Milei! You are garbage! You are dictatorship!” in the nation’s capital city, and similar acts of resistance. Argentina’s largest trade union, the General Confederation of Labor, cognizant of the fact that its very existence was endangered by the far-right government, called for a nation-wide general strike which was to be held in late January.
In the succeeding months of 2024, the Argentines workers have continued to fight for their interests with similar determination and gallantry, even after state repression expanded to the point of raiding soap kitchens, emergency canteens, and other places to assist the increasingly famished working class. General strikes took place, protesters struggling against the state’s increasing repression, and so forth. As a result of this, the reactionary government has been forced to delay its most extreme reforms and make certain concessions such as its plan to institute the U.S. dollar as the national currency, facing the prospect of a full working-class insurrection. However, the libertarian government have indicated they will continue with their anti-worker ambitions so long as they remain in power:
In the succeeding months of 2024, the Argentines workers have continued to fight for their interests with similar determination and gallantry, even after state repression expanded to the point of raiding soap kitchens, emergency canteens, and other places to assist the increasingly famished working class. General strikes took place, protesters struggling against the state’s increasing repression, and so forth. As a result of this, the reactionary government has been forced to delay its most extreme reforms and make certain concessions such as its plan to institute the U.S. dollar as the national currency, facing the prospect of a full working-class insurrection. However, the libertarian government have indicated they will continue with their anti-worker ambitions so long as they remain in power:
“There is no strike that stops us, there is no threat that intimidates us, [the strikers and their leaders are] mafia unionists, poverty managers, complicit judges and corrupt politicians […]”
— Argentine Security Minister Patricia Bullrich, X Tweet
The popular resistance will continue so long as Milei remains in power, and the Argentine people are becoming increasingly mobilized and class conscious.
Conclusion
“The working class must be able to take advantage of the antagonisms and conflicts within the bourgeois camp, but it must not cherish the illusion that fascism will exhaust itself of its own accord. Fascism will not collapse automatically. Only the revolutionary activity of the working class can help to take advantage of the conflicts which inevitably arise within the bourgeois camp in order to undermine the fascist dictatorship and to overthrow it.” [emphasis mine: S.W.]
—Georgi Dimitrov, The Fascist Offensive and the Tasks of the Communist International in the Struggle of the Working Class against Fascism, 1935
Within the span of a few months under the new libertarian regime, the poverty rate has risen from 40% of the population prior to Milei presidency to nearly 60%, with hyper-inflation taking hold even faster than before the libertarians took power, all of which results of the nascent government’s economic “shock- therapy” and other extreme policies. Concerning Milei’s foreign policy, he has done little more than devolve his country into a proxy for American interests, with the government rejecting plans to join the non-American-aligned economic bloc BRICS, expressing fanatical support for the State of Israel and its war against the Palestinian people, making concessions to the Western-led International Monetary Fund, etc.
Javier Milei, unlike what his pseudo-radical positions would suggest, is as much a part of the problems faced by Argentina as the previous social democratic government was. His “free market fundamentalist” policies have brought ruin to the already failing economy, his “anti-government” notions have been refuted by his heading of state terrorism, and he has made himself an enemy of his own people in the clearest manner.
Argentina prior to the election of Javier Milei is analogous to the Weimar Republic and Kingdom of Italy before those countries’ fall into fascism. Milei — like Hitler and Mussolini, was chosen by the Argentine ruling class as a final means to protect capitalism from working-class revolution. Fascism exists to repress radical movements, and it is clear Argentina is heading along this dark path. However, the Argentine people, understanding that the far-right government has never sided with their interests, are beginning to resist in increasingly large numbers. There is hope, and there is particularly hope that Milei’s government will soon fall due to its own betrayal of the Argentine proletariat.
The libertarian movements outside of Argentina cannot be separated from the events in this country. Right-wing libertarians have revealed their true countenance as a modern fascist movement who will act as the shock-troops of the capitalist system. They will deceive the masses with their promises of a “better” economic system, yet when they are summoned by the bourgeoisie to power, they will implement merely an extreme form of neoliberalism we see in the present.
International Marxist–Leninists express the utmost support for the proletariat of this country against their fascistic regime. The revolutionary communist movement in Argentina will lead the people’s ongoing resistance and establish a country which is not a vassal of U.S., Russian, or Chinese interests, but a free, socialist Argentina.
Javier Milei, unlike what his pseudo-radical positions would suggest, is as much a part of the problems faced by Argentina as the previous social democratic government was. His “free market fundamentalist” policies have brought ruin to the already failing economy, his “anti-government” notions have been refuted by his heading of state terrorism, and he has made himself an enemy of his own people in the clearest manner.
Argentina prior to the election of Javier Milei is analogous to the Weimar Republic and Kingdom of Italy before those countries’ fall into fascism. Milei — like Hitler and Mussolini, was chosen by the Argentine ruling class as a final means to protect capitalism from working-class revolution. Fascism exists to repress radical movements, and it is clear Argentina is heading along this dark path. However, the Argentine people, understanding that the far-right government has never sided with their interests, are beginning to resist in increasingly large numbers. There is hope, and there is particularly hope that Milei’s government will soon fall due to its own betrayal of the Argentine proletariat.
The libertarian movements outside of Argentina cannot be separated from the events in this country. Right-wing libertarians have revealed their true countenance as a modern fascist movement who will act as the shock-troops of the capitalist system. They will deceive the masses with their promises of a “better” economic system, yet when they are summoned by the bourgeoisie to power, they will implement merely an extreme form of neoliberalism we see in the present.
International Marxist–Leninists express the utmost support for the proletariat of this country against their fascistic regime. The revolutionary communist movement in Argentina will lead the people’s ongoing resistance and establish a country which is not a vassal of U.S., Russian, or Chinese interests, but a free, socialist Argentina.
Death to all forms of fascism and reaction!
Workers of the world, Unite!
Image attribution:
Top Image: “ Represión frente al Congreso Nacional - Buenos Aires – Argentina” by Santiago Sito (CC BY-NC-ND)
